how did the new right shift political discourse in the united states?

These ideas were largely accepted by the center-left Social Democrats, as well as by the center-right parties.

The rise of the new right in the years leading up to and during Reagan’s presidency is important to our understanding of modern politics and culture. McCormick also railed against the League of Nations, the World Court, socialism and communism. Niskanen (1971) (as Boston, 2011, p. 24, points out) was also concerned about the risk that politicians would favor short-term electoral and partisan objectives, essentially joining with sectarian pressure groups to form pro-public-spending coalitions (and, it might be added, expansionist public agencies). Government roles divided into the purchaser of outputs from public agencies and the owner of agencies that produced the outputs, with the latter having a strong interest in securing return on investment. Knight (2002) has criticized their governance model, which essentially adopts that of the Anglo-Saxon private firm: there is a strong vice chancellor who is expected to operate as a CEO, balanced by a small and senior group of nonexecutives, usually drawn from the business sector and deliberately recruited from outside the academic sector. Normalization of relations and expanding trade made China economically strong, but without turning oligarchy into democracy and transmitting the western package of rights and freedoms. Freidson’s (1970) theory of professional dominance explored the high autonomy of American medicine in its most powerful period. The critical perspective further includes a gender prism (Davies & Thomas, 2002): should the NPM be seen as a male and alien style of managing being inappropriately imported into the public sector (where many rank-and-file workers are female, such as teachers and nurses, and where government has traditionally been a family-friendly employer) from “macho” private firms? Nelson Lichtenstein and Elizabeth Tandy Shermer, eds. Many on the American right now agree that free trade has destroyed smaller towns and cities, led to outsourcing of jobs, and caused problems that manifest in drug abuse and deaths of despair among the white working class. In what was now a low-trust culture, however, agency performance had to be measured so that it could then be actively challenged and managed, if need be, from outside.
This had a far reaching impact. They argue that the performance agenda has been overdominant in NPM- oriented public services and has marginalized alternative learning-based approaches.

Copy That: When Replication Beats Innovation In Philanthropy, The Growing Partisan Divide in Views of Higher Education, Survey Finds Americans Believe Made-Up News is Causing Significant Harm, How Fair is the Tax System? A smaller number of “super agencies” have emerged with responsibility for the delivery of services across whole fields and reduced internal fragmentation. For example, U.K. undergraduate students now pay higher tuition fees than previously. Nevertheless, some high-impact NPM jurisdictions are apparent (e.g., the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Sweden, and the state of Alberta in Canada). The Swedish case displays a trong emphasis on the principles of user responsiveness and free choice, for example, in local government when purchaser provider arrangements were brought in (Foss Hansen, 2013, p. 124).

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